I spent part of
last week in the wind and the sand at Lake Powell, baking and watching Chinese
space junk burn up spectacularly in the atmosphere, which means I missed the
last half of the Democratic National Convention. But thanks to my trusty DVR, I
managed to watch all the major speeches this week. The contrast between the two
party parties was stark. Who would have expected that the more overtly
patriotic of the two would be the Democratic convention? Bright and hopeful and
specifics-laden, yes, but patriotic? Well, it is an unusual year. The tone
difference in the two conventions was massive.
But I don’t want
to focus on the conventions today. When I got back from Lake Powell, I had an
email waiting from my son who is at Columbia studying international economic
policy. He sent a link to a Vox
article by Ezra Klein titled “Understanding Hillary: Why the Clinton America Sees Isn’t the Clinton Colleagues Know.” I’ll talk about it a little here, but
go read it for the full picture. Klein is tackling what has been, for him, a
puzzle. Why is the Hillary Clinton he sees in public and reads about in the
press not the same person described in private by her colleagues and even by
her foes?
Klein calls this
“the Gap.” “There is the Hillary Clinton I watch on the nightly news and that I
read described in the press,” he says. “She is careful, calculated,
cautious. Her speeches can sound like executive summaries from a committee
report, the product of too many authors, too many voices, and too much fear of
offense. . . . And then there is the Hillary Clinton described to me by people
who have worked with her, people I admire, people who understand Washington in
ways I never will. Their Hillary Clinton is spoken of in superlatives:
brilliant, funny, thoughtful, effective. She inspires a rare loyalty in
ex-staff, and an unusual protectiveness even among former foes.”
So what lies at
the heart of this gap? I was surprised by what Klein discovered.
There is something about her persona
that seems uniquely vulnerable to campaigning; something is getting lost in the
Gap. So as I interviewed Clinton’s staffers, colleagues, friends, and foes, I
began every discussion with some form of the same question: What is true
about the Hillary Clinton you’ve worked with that doesn’t come through on the
campaign trail?
The answers startled me in their
consistency. Every single person brought up, in some way or another, the exact
same quality they feel leads Clinton to excel in governance and struggle in
campaigns. On the one hand, that makes my job as a reporter easy. There
actually is an answer to the question. On the other hand, it makes my job as a
writer harder: It isn’t a very satisfying answer to the question, at least not
when you first hear it.
Hillary Clinton, they said over and over again,
listens.
Klein delves into
this, and the result is fascinating. Campaigning, he says, is an activity whose
parameters have been established by male politicians over decades. Campaigning
tends to reward people who are very good at talking. But Hillary’s method of
campaigning (and governing) is to listen. Klein gives numerous examples of how
this has played out in her interactions with people both on the campaign trail
and in her life as a public servant. It is such a rare thing for a politician
to seriously listen to people that it produces a rare degree of loyalty among
those who interact with her, even opponents.
But this quality
puts her at a distinct disadvantage in the effort to get elected, especially
since she is not comfortable with self-promotion or public speaking. Her joke
in her acceptance speech last Thursday about managing to get a word in edgewise
with her husband reflects reality. Bill Clinton is the prototypical male
politician. He can talk and entertain and hold an audience in the palm of his
hand. Bernie Sanders is similar. His style is different, but he is a talker. He
gets his message across like few politicians. He is charismatic and forceful
(and says things that need to be said). But this is not Hillary’s strength. She
listens, understands what people struggle with, digs into the details, and
tries to find effective solutions. Her methods and accomplishments speak for
themselves. But she is not good at campaigning.
Which brings us
to The Donald. If there was ever a politician who was expert at talking, it is
Trump, although he actually says very little that makes sense. His method is to be as outrageous and controversial as possible. If
you’ve been reading this blog recently, you’re well aware of what I think of
him as a human being and potential U.S. president. I agree that he can talk,
but I doubt that he has ever in his life been accused of being a good listener.
He hears one voice—his own; and it talks about one topic—Donald Trump. He has
left carnage in his wake wherever he has gone, largely because he does not
understand people or the issues they struggle with. He knows there is anger out
there, and he has offered himself as a savior figure to fix everything. But he
doesn’t understand the issues well enough to conceive workable plans, and he
cannot bear to listen to people who know more than he does. He is that
insecure. But I don’t want to waste space here on the tragedy that has consumed
the Republican Party.
Ezra Klein
explores some interesting angles on this listening thing. Of course he points
out the gender angle. Women are generally better listeners than men. It is
certainly true in my family. Women are better at rapport and relationships.
This may make them better at governing but less effective at getting elected.
“One way of reading the Democratic primary,” says Klein, “is that it pitted an
unusually pure male leadership style against an unusually pure female
leadership style. Sanders is a great talker and a poor relationship builder.
Clinton is a great relationship builder and a poor talker. In this case—the
first time at the presidential level—the female leadership style won.” And in a
way, that is astonishing.
But Klein also
examines the hazard of this style: “There is a downside to listening to
everyone, to seeking rapport, to being inclusive, to obsessing over common
ground. Clinton’s effort to find broad consensus can turn her speeches and
policies into mush. Her interest in hearing diverse voices can end with her
chasing down the leads of cranks and hacks. Her belief that the highest good in
politics is getting something—at times, anything—done means she takes few
lonely stands and occasionally cuts deals many of her supporters regret.”
Klein even frames
the notorious email scandal in the context of listening. “If there has been any
major revelation from Clinton’s email releases, it’s just how many people she’s
hearing from, how many people she’s listening to.” Sometimes, though, listening
to too many voices can create mental and organizational gridlock and delay
important decisions. This is something Clinton must work on. But the upside of
her approach far outweighs the downside.
Klein does
discuss the one group Hillary does not like to hear from: the media. And this
is a complicated relationship. But he ends with the idea that Clinton, despite
her difficult relationship with Republicans, will be more effective than
President Obama at working with them. “She’ll do it by reaching out constantly,
endlessly, relentlessly, and cheerfully.” He refers to Obama’s joke about
having a drink with Mitch McConnell, something that will never happen. “This is
where Clinton and Obama differ. One official who has worked with them both
says, ‘The Republicans I
know think she’s just as horribly liberal as Obama but she’ll be better at
compromising and working with others.’ . . . Hillary
Clinton will never stop having drinks with Mitch McConnell.”
As a senator,
Hillary teamed with an array of Republicans to get things done: Trent Lott, Tom
DeLay, Newt Gingrich, Bill Frist, Robert Bennett, Rick Santorum, John Sununu,
Mike DeWine. “She was wonderful at working with Republicans in the Senate,”
says Tom Harkin. “I never heard any Republican senators demean her during that
time. She’d come to your office, sit down, talk, have coffee. She could have
come in as a prima donna. She never did.”
Klein wraps
things up by reminding us of the toxic political atmosphere we live in and how
the Republicans, if Clinton wins, will spend every waking moment trying to win
back the White House. But “no one will ever accuse her of not having Mitch
McConnell over for enough drinks. He may even like having a drink with her.
He’ll probably find she’s a pretty good listener.”
* * *
On a different
topic, if you have not seen the “Donald and Hobbes” comic strip, here’s the
link. I would bet Bill Watterson had no clue he was depicting Donald Trump with
such eerie accuracy when he thought he was creating a mischievous six-year-old.
This is at once amazing, hilarious, and disturbing. Take a look.
My brother in law was a military liason working in the Pentagon and with Senate staff when Hilary Clinton was in the Senate. He description of her is far, far less admirable than the rosey one painted by Klein.
ReplyDeleteVery possible. As we all know, it's very difficult to please everyone, and I don't agree with Clinton or her methods on everything. But the only alternative this year is horrendous.
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